• • 718 WEST 5th ST. AUSTIN, TEXAS 78701 471555 Empire-Tribune Stephenville, Texas SU 6 1982 Austin NoteDooK Election issue clear By Bill Kidd AUSTIN— A somewhat cynical quip making it's way around the Capital is that the reason Gov. Bill Clements called the special session on the crisis in the unemployment tax fund is that the governor is sincerely worried about unemployment— particularly his own. It's been a prevalent theory that Clements' re-election bid will benefit, or suffer, according to the condition of Texas' economy come election day, and Clements' Democratic challenger, At- torney General Mark White, admitted early on in the cam- paigning that he wants to make the election a referendum on "Reaganomics" and "New Federalism." That, Clements has said, is fine with him. Over the past few months, White and Clements have been ex- changing various unpleasantries, including comments on the state's economic situation. White has charged that Clements is "callous to the worsening state of Texas' economy," and "still maintains that half a million able-bodied Texans.. looking for work isn't all that significant." Clements has issued statements, including on the occassion of Lone Star Steel's massive lay-off, on how he is "deeply con- cerned" and has "the greatest of sympathy" for Texans losing their jobs during "this period of temporary economic distur- bance." He's also promised that he's "preparing a program to en- courage development of more jobs." Clements also has continued to talk about how much better Texas' economy is than that of the rest of the nation—with White countering that's not much consolation to those who have lost employment. Many observers saw Clements apparent reluctance to call the special session as reflecting the governor's desire not to acknowledge that the state's economy has gone somewhat sour. Clements has been sparring for weeks with the Texas Em- ployment Commission over TEC projections of tax increases for employers—projections which have now climbed as high as 2,700 percent. Clements first disputed the figures, then decided his staff would study them, and then attacked the TEC for not telling him about the problem sooner—with the TEC and some lawmakers saying Clements had been told several times but chose to ignore their warnings. Even after conceeding a special session would be needed, Clements first indicated it would be after election day (although it turned out the session would be called for after Labor Day in- stead). One the heels of Clements' announcement came a charge from White that the matter was just another instance of Clements' "bungling" and how the governor has "bullheadedly refused to face reality." Presumably even White would be willing to agree that Clements isn't singlehandedly responsible for the state's economic problems. But it is the fate of politicians to be blamed at times for things that aren't their fault ( just as they sometimes escape blame for things that are). It is indisputable that people are worried, understandably worried, about the economy, and it is inevitable that they will hold something, or someone, responsible for the economy's problems. This is why candidates and candidate-watchers in Texas are keeping an eye on Washington and the nation as a whole, in order to monitor feelings on the Reagan Administration and it's policies. Clements ran his first election against President Jimmy Carter, whom he promised to hang around Democratic guber- natorial nominee John Hill like an albatross ( although Clements actually used a rubber chicken as his prop in demonstrating that intent). In running against Carter, Clements closely identified himself— philosophically as well as by party affiliation—with Reagan. Thus, White argues a vote on Clements is in some sense a vote on Reagan, or at least on Reagan's policies. Some of those policies may not be too popular at the moment, and even Clements has appeared to be breaking with the President on some things—such as lack of a national energy policy—and has seemed at time to be getting a little room between himself and the President. This November election isn't likely to be a referendum just on Federal policies, judging by past experience. But the election may be determined in part by the state of the economy since voters could decide to vote for a change—on the theory that doing something different could be better than con- tinuing the existing situation.